Ray Charles Radio on Pandora

Now that I have somehow been given both a Google Nest and a Facebook Portal, I regularly say, “Hey, Google” or “Hey Portal, Play Ray Charles Radio.”  “Playing Ray Charles Radio on Pandora,” Google or Portal responds, and away we go.  It’s generally soul music of the 60’s and 70’s, though the choices are sometimes puzzling: like why Israel Kamakawiwoʻole’s ukulele-heavy version of “Somewhere Over the Rainbow” keeps showing up.  The white guy most often played is Van Morrison, which seems just right, not only given his Charles-inspired singing, but this one particular verse in his song “These Dreams of You:”

And Ray Charles was shot down
But he got up and did his very best
A crowd of people gathered round
And to the question he answered “yes”

These are typically enigmatic Van Morrison lyrics, the kind Ray Charles never wrote and hardly ever sang.  Van’s lyrics almost seem to make sense, but their mystery invite you to make your own sense.  Why was Ray Charles shot down? And what question did he answer Yes to?  To me,  Ray Charles was shot down because his music seems the most old-fashioned of all the music played on this Pandora station.  The question was, You belong somewhere else, don’t you?  Paradoxically, Ray Charles is the most out of place musician on Ray Charles Radio, even more out of place than Hawaii’s Israel Kamakawiwo’ole.

Three times in a row when I spent time listening to Ray Charles Radio, I didn’t hear one Charles song.  I heard the Beatles (“Let It Be”), even John Denver (“Rocky Mountain High”), but nothing from the station’s namesake. When a Ray Charles song comes on, you’re immediately thrown back to the straight out blues, and to Gospel music, and to jazz—trio, small band, big band—which almost no one was still doing at the time.  He doesn’t do sweet soul, either, a la Sam Cooke or Smokey Robinson and all those Motown stars.  This in no way implies a criticism of them—I love those men and women of Motown and Stax, perhaps especially the Supreme’s Mary Wilson, an early idol of mine, whom we lost just a few days ago.  And who can resist Smokey’s cleverness in songs like “The Way You Do the Things You Do”:

As pretty as you are,
You know you could have been a flower.
If good looks were a minute,
You know you would have been an hour.

Ray’s more likely to be singing lines like in his “Hard Times”:

My mother told me, before she passed away
Son, when I’m gone, don’t forget to pray
Cause there’ll be hard time, hard times
And who knows better than I.

His rhythms are chunkier and his voice—grittier than anyone else’s—often feels like despair, conveying a dread matched only by The Four Tops’ Levi Stubbs, once described as having a voice sounding like he was picking his way through a mine field. Still, no one on Ray Charles Radio shouts and growls like Ray, not even James Brown, who seems to shout for different reasons.  And when Charles does turn gentler, he’s almost always singing Country music.  Country!  “Together Again,” “Worried Mind,” “I Can’t Stop Loving You.”  Or his marvelous, surprising version of “Oh, What a Beautiful Morning,” from the hit Broadway show Oklahoma.  Oklahoma!

Ray Charles was in the very first class inducted into the Rock ‘n’ Roll Hall of Fame.  It’s partly for making blues and Gospel so integral to rock.  And when he moved on, so to speak, he re-made Country music by infusing more blues and Gospel into it than it ever had.  Country music is usually considered white, though its roots were considerably blacker than we think.  Look at Jimmie Rodgers, for example, another artist in that first Rock ‘n’ Roll Hall of Fame class.  When Ray Charles started doing Country music, he not only pointed to that past, he also said, Here’s what whiteness integrated into blackness sounds like.  Usually it’s color having to assimilate, to lose its darker tones to become acceptable enough to white society.  James Baldwin called this loss “The price of the ticket,” the price of being accepted.  Historically, whites made money by taking black music and dumbing it down.  That’s the meaning of the final scenes of the 2020 movie Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom, where we see a white band doing the music of the central character Levee, played by Chadwick Boseman in his final role.  (He deserves a posthumous Oscar for it.)  Levee’s been paid a pittance for his songs.  They’ve been stolen.  Ray Charles reverses that flow.  He’s so different from anyone else on Ray Charles Radio not only because he stays closer to blues and Gospel and jazz, but also because he’s assimilated white music into those roots as well.

  Go to All Things Ray for an index of all Ray Charles material on this site, including a 5-part video lecture: “Me and Brother Ray.”  All Things Baldwin functions similarly for James Baldwin, and in my sermon “Pentecost Means No Supremacies” I use Baldwin’s “Price of the ticket” idea.
  Go to a list of Reviews and to the Teaching Diversity main page.

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The Cost of Racism: 16 Trillion Dollars

And that’s just over the last 20 years, and “just” when it comes to discrimination and inequities concerning Black Americans.  According to a new report from Citi Corp’s GPS group (Global Perspectives and Solutions), nearly sixteen TRILLION dollars have been lost. You can read the full report HERE.

Titled “Closing the Racial Inequality Gaps: The Economic Cost of Black Inequality in the U.S.,” the report begins by quoting one of the most famous passages from MLK, Jr.’s “Letter from a Birmingham Jail:”  “We are all caught in an inescapable net of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.”  And, really, it’s not all that indirect.

The report focuses on four areas, three of which I’ve written about on this site.  (1) The Racial Wealth Gap:  The overall wealth gap has grown to absolutely astonishing proportions since 1965, but the racial wealth gap is even worse.  Closing that gap could have added $2.7 trillion in income, or .2% to our GDP per year.

(2) Home Ownership:  Improve access to housing credit and 770,000 Black-owned homes might have been added since 2000, a gain of $218 billion in sales and expenditures.  Lack of home ownership is the single greatest driver of the racial wealth gap.  (3) Education:  Facilitating access to higher education could have added $90 to $113 billion to lifetime incomes.  Instead inequities in education are still rampant across the nation.  And (4) Fair and Equitable Lending to Black Entrepreneurs:  This could have generated $13 trillion, plus created 6.1 million jobs per years. ***

Sixteen trillion is nearly 75% of the U.S.’s 2019 GDP, but even the four areas above comprising the report’s core don’t tell the whole story of loss.  The report touches on policing, imprisonment, healthcare, and more, and even includes an overview of the Civil Rights Movement as a way to add context and to search for causes of the racial crises which continue to plague us.  Mental and physical sickness, lives traumatized, lives lost—add these as the direct result of unequal policing, unfair imprisonment, and health care inequities and the price soars well, well past $16 trillion dollars.  There’s also much more to pile on, like Voter Suppression, which also costs us a lot.

It’s good to have all these inequities quantified, with dollar signs attached to many of them.  The Clinton campaign coined the phrase “It’s the economy, stupid!” and we seem to listen more when it comes to pocket-book metrics.  But, of course, many don’t experience these inequities, and many don’t believe they exist.  We’re still a nation divided, largely unaware of each other’s experience of life, which is one reason the report concludes that bias and systemic racism have blocked substantial improvement over not just the past 20 years, but over the 158 years since the Emancipation Proclamation, and the centuries more since the first African slave landed on American soil.

In his TED Talk “How Racism Makes Us Sick,” public health sociologist Dr. David R. Williams explains a metric that can help us gauge and understand how racism affects the daily health and shortens the lives of so many people of color.  It’s an ultimately uplifting talk, full of “we-can-do-it” optimism, but I believe there’s also an ominous undertone.  If we don’t overcome bias and systemic racism—and we haven’t been doing a great job of it so far—then racism won’t continue to make just Blacks and other people of color sick.  It will continue to make our entire people, and our nation’s morals and body politic sick, too.  And it will continue to rob us of so many life-affirming, life-enriching friendships we could be having across racial and ethnic lines.  Sixteen trillion dollars doesn’t begin to convey the magnitude of such loss.

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*** I have written a lot about the first three partly because our family foundation, Emmanuel House—now The Neighbor Project—focuses on home ownership, the single greatest driver of the racial wealth gap.  The stability created by home ownership boosts high school graduation rates by 25%, and college graduation rates by 116%.  The best introduction to The Neighbor Project’s work and vision is executive director Rick Guzman’s talk “Every Person’s God Given Ability to Contribute,” in which he, too, uses the MLK, Jr. passage that begins the Citi Corp report.  But home ownership is all over this site, even including a review of the Christmas classic It’s A Wonderful Life, or a profile of Lorraine Hansberry, who wrote A Raisin in the Sun.  In his talk Rick Guzman also mentions the opening of the Financial Empowerment Center, a joint venture of The Neighbor Project and the City of Aurora, Illinois, which we hope will make inroads into more fair and equitable lending as well.

  Go to the TEACHING DIVERSITY page.

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Just Another Item to Add to a White Privilege Perks List

In 1989 Peggy McIntosh of Wellesley University published “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack,” one of the most consequential essays of our time, an essay which has grown even more central during our recent racial crises.  She packs a lot of theory and context into its mere five pages—something lots of people skip over in favor of its most famous feature: a list of 26 items whites can do or don’t have to think about much, but people of color can’t do or have to think about an awful lot.  These range from the seemingly “small,” like #26 (“I can choose blemish cover or bandages in ‘flesh’ color and have them more less match my skin”), to large cultural issues like #6 (who made our national heritage or civilization what it is), to being stopped by police or harassed while shopping (#’s 19 and 4), to being able to live where you’d like (#’s 2 and 3), and, one of the most moving, #11: “I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from people who might not like them.”  Go HERE for my more detailed take on the essay, plus a link to its most recent official version.

It’s been pirated a lot, added to, subtracted from.  When I first encountered it decades ago, there were 50 items in its famous list. The list made the concepts of white privilege and white supremacy more understandable to the general public, so much so that the first, white privilege, has become a bona fide industry. There are hundreds of websites, Facebook groups, books and articles and workshops dedicated to helping people learn about what it is and how it can be dismantled or turned into something that can help fight racism.  Many of these start with McIntosh’s essay or pay homage to it.  It’s also spawned dozens and dozens of other lists from different points of view: from how white privilege gives whites a huge advantage working in theater to having and raising children (see the graphic below).

I have another item to add to some appropriate list somewhere, but first a word about what white privilege doesn’t mean.

It doesn’t mean that all whites didn’t work hard for what they have.  It doesn’t mean they have never experienced poverty or the lack of healthcare or being food insecure. Rebecca Fraley, a co-panelist with me at a racism conference in February 2020, explains this in more detail.  She also explains what it does mean: that there’s systematic racism in our society that blocks people of color, especially American blacks, from having equal chances at good jobs they can work hard at, achieve at, feel secure at. It makes it so that for a large portion of them, the police are not a source of security but persecution. Which brings me to the item I know a lot of people have already added to some white privilege perks list somewhere.

“I can announce openly that I am going to try to obstruct or overthrow the government, be joined by thousands of people who say the same, then actually march into the Capitol of the United States of American with them, trash it, and encounter fairly little resistance while doing it.”

It’s not that the authorities didn’t have the rioters’ intentions stated right to their faces. It’s not that they had not heard the voices in many branches of U.S. intelligence say that white supremacy extremists were the single greatest terrorist danger to our counter.  They heard and saw all this clearly, but gave those overwhelmingly white rioters the privilege of the doubt. It was white privilege working full steam ahead.

By now millions of people have noticed the stark difference between how the Black Lives Matter protests in Washington were handled versus the Capitol riot on January 6, 2021. Millions know that if January 6th had seen a group largely of people of color— even a peaceful group—the treatment would have been radically different. There are those, of course, who show a lack of ability to understand the difference between those January 6th rioters and the riots that occasionally broke out during the racial protests following the death of George Floyd, violence that Black Lives Matter did not start, violence that showed in less than 10% of protests.  We’ll leave that whole illogic for another time. The treatment of the January 6th rioters vs. the two protests against racism that occurred shortly before that should be stark enough for anyone. In one instance, peaceful BLM protesters with no intent to storm the Capitol or White House were tear gassed and sent flying so that then President Trump could march to a nearby church for a photo op at which he held up the Bible…upside down.

But it will continue not to be a clear, stark contrast for thousands, not primarily because they see the riot as a protest against an election that they continue to believe was stolen—though there has not been one shred of credible evidence presented. That’s merely a case of leaders lying to their followers and their followers being desperate enough to believe. At the deepest level what the January 6th riot was about was not trying to hang on to their guy, but trying to hang on to white supremacy.  To continue thinking of the January 6th riot mainly in political terms is just another in a long list of evasions we practice in order not to talk about race.  Call it “white fragility” or whatever, Americans would rather talk about anything else—anything—but that.

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  Watch the Vox Video Lab short film “When White Supremacists Overthrew a Government,” part of Vox producer Ranjani Chakraborty’s series “Missing Chapter.”  “In November 1898, in Wilmington, North Carolina,” the video’s description reads, “a mob of 2,000 white men expelled black and white political leaders, destroyed the property of the city’s black residents, and killed dozens–if not hundreds–of people…For decades, the story of this violence was buried, while the perpetrators were cast as heroes. Yet its impacts resonate across the state to this day.”  Not just the state, but these resonances have traveled more than 122 years across time to Washington, DC, January 6, 2021.  Also read my “Voter Suppression 21st Century Style,” which tells that on July 29, 2016, a three-judge panel for the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth District struck down North Carolina’s Voter ID law, passed earlier in April that year, saying that it “targeted African-Americans with almost surgical precision.”  Not a bloody riot, but another resonance 0f white supremacy’s attacks on democracy.

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